
By Michael A. Cohen
ISBN-10: 019977756X
ISBN-13: 9780199777563
"In his presidential inaugural tackle of January 1965, Lyndon Johnson provided an uplifting imaginative and prescient for the United States, person who might finish poverty and racial injustice. Elected in a landslide over the conservative Republican Barry Goldwater and strengthened by means of the so-called liberal consensus, monetary prosperity, and a powerful wave of nostalgia for his martyred predecessor, John Kennedy, Johnson introduced the main ambitiousRead more...
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Extra info for American Maelstrom : the 1968 election and the politics of division
Sample text
Here he rides a motorcade in New York City. Courtesy of the Library of Congress, US News and World Report Archive. Figure 15: Wallace campaign events in 1968 featured a combustible mix of supporters and detractors. At a rally in Albany, New York, one Wallace opponent holds up a sign declaring “We will never overcome with Wallace,” October 9, 1968. Courtesy of the Associated Press. ■ american maelstrom ■ Figure 16: Nixon’s political coronation at the RNC in Miami Beach featured the intent focus on image-making that became the hallmark of the ’68 campaign.
15 But so too did the long-haired hippies—smoking pot, protesting the war in Vietnam, defying authority, and thumbing their collective noses at long-standing national tenets on sex, marriage, religion, and even language. In April 1968, journalist Bil Gilbert traveled to Millersburg, Pennsylvania, a small town north of Harrisburg, where the residents were largely white and middle and working class. ” Residents there had no direct connection to the traumas of urban America and little interaction with antiwar demonstrators or black militants.
None of them politicians gives a good goddam. All they worry about is the niggers. I’ll tell ya somethin’. ”30 While a fight over resources became central to the backlash of the 1960s, it would be matched if not surpassed by growing fears about personal security. The focus on crime, or “law and order,” as it was often described, has frequently been framed as a blatant political appeal for white voters. In part, this is true. But the fears were also quite real. The period between 1963 and 1968 saw an extraordinary and unprecedented growth in national crime rates.
American Maelstrom : the 1968 election and the politics of division by Michael A. Cohen
by David
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