By Carole H. Dagher
Lebanon is greater than a rustic, it's a message': those phrases of Pope John Paul II illustrate Lebanon's post-war activity to maintain its age-old Christian-Muslim coexistence and power-sharing formulation and to invalidate Samuel Huntington's assumption of a 'Clash of Civilizations.' Lebanon's present problem can be the problem of an entire sector, the center East, the place the destiny of minorities, together with jap Christians, unearths the clients of democracy, pluralism and political participation. Carole H. Dagher, a journalist for Lebanese media in addition to an educational, offers an insightful account on how Christian and Muslim groups emerged from the 16 year-old Lebanese warfare, what their issues of friction and their universal grounds are, and what the customers of Lebanon's communal illustration method and pluralistic society are. She describes the principal position performed by means of the Holy See and John Paul II in bridging the distance among Christians and Muslims in Lebanon, and analyzes the influence different international locations resembling Syria, Iran and Saudi Arabia have had at the energy online game and, conversely, the impression of Christian-Muslim interplay at the way forward for the Arab-Israeli peace method. convey Down the partitions attracts the most important classes from the hot background of Christian-Muslim relatives in Lebanon.
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Additional info for Bring Down the Walls: Lebanon’s Postwar Challenge
14 Some would argue that this is an extreme view of how Islam has transformed Arabic civilization. But underneath Hayek’s thesis lies the eagerness of Lebanese Christians to thwart any imposed Arabo-Islamic concept of cultural assimilation and, accordingly, of any political unity that would be justified by it. Lebanon is, after all, the only Arab state ruled by a Christian (Maronite) president. This is why the theme of Phoenician identity was extensively used and developed by many Maronite writers to assert the distinct and separate identity of Lebanon vis-à-vis Pan-Arabism.
S support to Israel, and finally by the “glob- Muslim Self-Assertion 39 alization” perceived as the “Americanization” of the world. On the other hand, Muslim leaders and clerics cannot ignore the West’s lustrous appeal to the youth and to their intellectuals seeking freedom of conscience and belief. 13 “Some Islamist groups have a tendency to eyeball Arab Christians with suspicions, and to view them as the bulwark of the West (or the cat’s paw for Western influence). They are not. Nor are they the fifth column of colonialism.
His aura increased after the loss of his son on the battlefield in 1997 during an anti-Israeli operation. On the doctrinal level, both Shamseddine and Fadlallah are the products of the Najaf hawzat (teaching circles), but while the former and his vice president, Sheikh Abdel-Amir Qabalan (who is also the Supreme Mufti of the Ja’fari tribunal), remained linked to the traditional marjai‘ya (reference) of Najaf, in Iraq, the latter opened up to Qom and Khomeyni’s Iran. And while Shamseddine is rather steeped in the Lebanese political establishment, strapped into an institutional role and gets involved in local politics, Fadlallah considers himself as a marja’, exercising a religious and legal authority on a regional scale, and even embracing the whole Islamic world.
Bring Down the Walls: Lebanon’s Postwar Challenge by Carole H. Dagher